An Analysis of the Intrinsic Nature of Fidesz, its Role in Shaping the Lives of Hungarians and the Rise of the Tisza Party
To begin with, Hungarian politics has become very convoluted in 2024,
especially in the last couple of months. Should we want to understand the basic
intricacies of the current government and system, we need to put it into
context. This essay will mainly delve into the intrinsic nature of the
incumbent party, its role in shaping the lives of Hungarians and the emergence of
the Tisza Party as a viable alternative in the realm of politics.
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Photograph: János Kummer / Getty Images |
Context:
It was not until the pardon scandal back in February that it became more
apparent than ever before that Fidesz is no longer capable of governing
Hungary. For many, this was the last straw as tens of thousands of people marched
on the streets to speak out against a suppressing regime. In fact, the system
in Hungary could be best described as an authoritarian one. It is fair to say
that there was widespread discontent throughout the country and, therefore, a
lot of voters became disenchanted from Fidesz. Seemingly, this sense of
disillusion was echoed throughout the country.
Yet, this is only the tip of the iceberg! The problem stems from the fact that Fidesz subjugates the welfare of the people - they are supposed to serve – to their own financial incentives and personal gains. No wonder, the government had to face major backlash from voters.
The emergence of Péter Magyar:
Among those appalled, Péter Magyar also expressed his concerns about the prospects
of our nation if we continue the way we did in the past 12 years. Little did we
know what the future would bring!
A few weeks later, Magyar appeared in several government-critic media outlets to initiate a public discourse on how we could reform our country. From the moment he started his campaign, he drew a lot of media attention. As time went by, he gained ground against other opposition parties and became an increasingly popular public figure in the media.
Sudden epiphany:
As a matter of fact, the main reason why people gave credibility to him was
the fact that he was a former insider of Fidesz. Basically, the answer for his
unexpected departure from the party lies in a combination of factors. On the
one hand, he realized that Hungary was in the 11th hour. The other
reason for that was that, during his period in Fidesz, he spent enough time and
gained hands-on experience of the system. Therefore, he could throw light on
the underlying problems that remained unsolved up until this day.
To tell the truth, Péter Magyar served as an eye-opener for many, as for the less perspicacious voter the root causes of the issues in question were not apparent. During his campaign, he gave us invaluable insights into the closest circles of Fidesz. Obviously, Fidesz would have swept a lot of these secrets under the carpet. With these in mind, it made him even more authentic in the public eye. He took Hungary under his wing and aimed to rejuvenate it with his patriotic mindset.
A real alternative:
Against all odds, Péter Magyar managed to establish his own party that came
to be known as the Tisza Party. Since then, he was elected vice-president and
became a critical figure of Fidesz. Magyar certainly earned the trust of the
voters as it managed to forge ahead with their plan and got into the European
Parliament with 7 seats. This was a fairly good overall result in no less than
2 months.
Needless to say, this remarkable success of his political party can be put
down to their clarity of vision which is exactly the reason why they stand out
in the crowd. Unfortunately, this is not the case with other opposition parties
as in most cases they lacked the credibility factor in the last 20 years or so.
Generally speaking, the Tisza Party seems to have become a formidable opponent
for the government in the upcoming elections.
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Photograph: István Huszti / Telex |
Different means of effective communication:
Apart from that, it was a sensible decision of VP Péter Magyar to take to
social media sites to communicate his ideas, proposals and, at certain times,
harsh criticism about Fidesz. After a few months, enormous numbers of users are
already following his social accounts to catch up with the latest news, be it
on Facebook, Instagram or TikTok. This is a transparent way of communicating
straight-forward ideas towards the voters who count on him. Furthermore, he
makes use of rhetorical devices and plays with words which is also appealing
for his staunch supporters.
What is more, sometimes he even comments below certain Facebook posts and
tells its users, for example, on the page of the state-owned media, M1, that
many of their claims are either unfounded or deliberately misleading. This is
yet another way of how the Tisza Party amplifies its narrative. In the vast
majority of instances, he demolishes the arguments of the state media with a
short comment that appears to be an effective technique.
Also, Péter Magyar is sometimes invited to short interviews by ATV, and Telex.
In these talks, he also aims to disseminate his stances on a wide range of
subjects so that everyone gets the message. Admittedly, these media outlets are
underrepresented in the countryside, but Magyar still cares about these areas
as he held a lot of rallies there, as well.
Pitfalls of Fidesz:
Recently, Viktor Orbán and his government failed to remain consistent with its core values. For example, there is a glaring inconsistency between their Christian values and the scandals surrounding the government. Surely, they preferred to have glossed over some of following issues listed below:
- Former president, Katalin
Novák pardoned a man convicted of covering up a child sexual abuse case that
former justice minister Judit Varga countersigned.
- Catholic clergyman and close Fidesz-affiliate,
Gergő Bese was accused of regularly attending gay orgies and participating in
pornographic video recordings.
- Ex-member of Fidesz, Balázs Győrffy happened to have physically assaulted a woman.
These courses of action certainly don't align with Christian values, not by
any means.
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Photograph: Péter Lakatos / MTI |
Anti-immigration policies:
In recent times, Fidesz has established facilities that were specifically
designed to shelter illegal immigrants near the borders. Nonetheless, on M1
they always reiterate that Hungary should combat migration. Doubtless, their
agenda is less plausible than it was half a year ago.
On top of all of this, every time there was a scandal, Fidesz sought to
distract the voters’ attention to cover things up. Oddly enough, one example of
this is the constant scapegoating of illegal immigrants in Western societies
that comes across as hypocritical.
Education:
There were quite a few child abuse incidents in schools, all of which the government
is to be held accountable for. Tough they enacted a child protection law in 2024,
they haven’t come to grips with the issue directly since then. To illustrate the
magnitude of this problem, a lot of students are picked on by their peers. Unfortunately,
many of them can even get away with murder since there is little or no intervention.
The latter can be attributed to the shortage of teachers in the Hungarian labour
market which leads to less control over students. Presumably, this is the reason
why these policies are just recommended in education.
Public healthcare:
Péter Magyar travelled across the country and paid a visit to some
hospitals with his college, András Kulja who is a doctor by profession. Their
goal was to show the dehumanizing conditions prevailing in hospitals. Among
other things, they pointed out that the lack of sanitation facilities predisposes
their patients to develop ailments. Furthermore, it is clear even for non-professionals
that 30 degrees is not the ideal temperature to recuperate and heal after surgery.
The latter problem could be alleviated by installing air conditioner systems that
come in handy during swelteringly hot days. Indeed, there are visible signs
that public healthcare facilities are underfunded by the government.
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Photograph: Dániel Zách / Telex |
Magyar addressed a lot of these problems that piled up over the years and
offered solutions as to how to combat them. Odds are pretty much in favour of them
seeing the steadily closing gap between Fidesz and the Tisza Party in recent polls.
Obstacles to overcome:
Still, they have a lot of work to do! Until the 2026 Hungarian elections, they
need to take into account some decisive factors.
Legal barriers:
As of today, Fidesz is the incumbent party of Hungary, which means it has absolute
power over the country. Among other things, this means that the current regime
can gain an advantage over its political enemies by systemically suppressing
them.
One example of doing this is changing the legal system in a way that
benefits them. To exemplify, this media outlets were obligated to make their
funding transparent. This means that they can no longer receive financial
support outside the borders of Hungary, particularly from the US. According to
Fidesz whenever media companies are subsidized, they publish articles that propagate
warmongering narratives. Subsequently, they asked for the exact definition of
what is considered pro-war by Fidesz without any success.
As a rule of thumb, mainly liberal papers are affected by this law. The scarcity of resources raises questions as to how to maintain media outlets. This will make it harder for them to deliver the latest news. So far so good!
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Photograph: Szigetváry Zsolt / MTI |
The state media:
The problem with the state media is that it is, to say the least, economical
with the truth. They deliberately decontextualise information and manipulate it
to their liking with the use of soundbites, and false premises to mention just
a few. Unfortunately, in less-developed areas of Hungary, there is no TV channel
other than the ones of the government that hinder the effective dissemination
of ideas respective to the political parties concerned.
Recently, government-funded state media (M1) vilified Péter Magyar for several things including:
- Back in March, the government’s
main objective was to frame Magyar as a misogynistic man who abused his
ex-wife, Judit Varga. However, this is rather perceived as a private family
matter by most of the voters that is outside of the scope of politics.
- At certain moments there were also
claims that he displays egocentric and aggressive attitudes to the people surrounding
him.
Later, he more or less debunked these rumours with the things he did during
his campaign and for the country so far.
- The only thing the state media
could build on was his incident at Ötkert, for which he bears the legal consequences.
On the next day, he explicitly told his followers on Facebook that he knew exactly
that he made a terrible mistake and publicly apologised for disappointing his
advocates.
Later, a photo was taken of him at an event with a piece of paper “Ötkert” written on it with a marker. But, as we all know, this once again showcases how an astute politician Péter Magyar really is as he managed to play this situation for his advantage in deep water. This is delicious self-irony perfectly executed.
Conclusion:
For all the aforementioned reasons elaborated above, the Tisza Party has
all the ingredients of ushering in a new era and instigating social change.
Personally, I am positive that it is within the realms of possibility that Magyar,
and his party will eventually overthrow the governing party in the 2026 Hungarian
elections. Hopefully, this is the light at the end of the tunnel.
Reference and articles for further engagement:
- The pardon scandal:
- The emergence of Péter Magyar:
- Getting into the European Parliament:
- The Tisza Party campaigning in rural areas: (with English subtitles)
https://youtu.be/KXa5VDHLmEk?si=IISiOExNS1hPSZMQ
- Hungary’s new media regulation:
- Conditions in hospitals:
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